The First Quarter Storm of 1970: Its Impact on Philippine Politics

By Satur C. Ocampo

Speech at the forum sponsored by the First Quarter Storm Movement (FQSM), Contend-UP, and Anakbayan held at the Claro Mayo Recto Hall, Faculty Center, UP Diliman, Quezon City.

January 30, 2012

Satur Ocampo

A pleasant, lively morning to everyone!

Before we begin, allow me to reprise what the audience and I did in July 2008 before I delivered a UP Centennial Lecture on militant activism. Will everyone please rise for a moment of silence?

Let us honor the former students of the University of the Philippines and of other schools and the youths from communities all over the country who embraced martyrdom during the First Quarter Storm of 1970 and in the succeeding years of our people’s continuing struggle for national liberation, economic emancipation, social justice, equitable development, and genuine and lasting peace.

Thank you.  Congratulations to the First Quarter Storm Movement, Contend-UP, and Anakbayan for sponsoring this series of fora to discuss the impacts of the FQS on different aspects of our national life.  I thank them for inviting me to speak in this inaugural forum.

First, a word of caution: I speak to you not as a revolutionary theoretician, since I have never claimed to be one.  I speak simply as a political and social activist sharing recollections, views and analysis through the prism of my cumulative experiences for almost 50 years.

Let’s begin by revisiting the scene on Jan. 26, 1970 in front of the old House of Representatives towards the closing of the big protest rally timed with the second state-of-the-nation address by then President Ferdinand E. Marcos.

[I culled this account from an article (published in the Philippine Daily Inquirer sometime ago) by Rodel Rodis, ex-FQS activist, now a lawyer and one of the leaders of a Filipino-American group in the United States.  Rodis wrote that his father had sent him “to exile in San Francisco” to avoid getting his son “salvaged” (the old term used for extrajudicial killing).]

Edgar Jopson, then an Ateneo student leader who headed the “moderate” National Union of Students of the Philippines (NUSP) to which Rodis also belonged, had just spoken and called out to Gary Olivar, a spokesman for the “radicals”, to address the crowd. Yet he handed the microphone to Roger “Bomba” Arienda, the hard-hitting radio commentator (who later became a religious preacher after his imprisonment).  As Arienda spoke the crowd yelled, “Gary! Gary! Gary!”

Arienda’s tirade over, Jopson still didn’t call Olivar again – as he should have in compliance with an agreement among the participating organizations on a “united front” list of speakers.  Instead, Jopson began singing the national anthem as a signal to end the program. However, a “radical” young labor leader grabbed the microphone and started to deliver a fiery speech in Tagalog.

Just then Marcos stepped out of the front door of the House.  As he was about to board his car on the driveway, an activist threw in his direction a papier mache crocodile (depicting greed, graft and corruption).

Quickly reacting, the anti-riot police rushed upon the demonstrators and began pummeling their heads and bodies with rattan truncheons.  Pandemonium broke loose when the protestors fought back.

About that particular incident, Rodis quoted the following line from Jose F. Lacaba’s his classic book, “Days of Disquiet, Nights of Rage,” that graphically records the FQS events:

“Passions were high, exacerbated by the quarrel over the mike, and the President had the bad luck of coming out of Congress at this particular instant.”    

The blood-spilled confrontation between state anti-riot forces and demonstrators spurred the bigger protest march-rally to Mendiola on January 30. The protest action heated up as a group of marchers commandeered a firetruck and rammed it through Malacanang’s padlocked Gate 4.  What ensued was the seesaw “Battle of Mendiola” — the state security forces attacked the protestors first with truncheons and teargas, later with guns; then they retreated as the demonstrators counterattacked with rocks and other projectiles, including Molotov cocktails.

The interchanging assault-retreat-assault of the protagonists continued overnight, culminating in the wee hours of January 31.  The battle extended into the whole length of Azcarraga (now Claro M. Recto Ave) up to Divisoria, into Quiapo’s main and side streets, and into Lepanto, Morayta and Espana and the side streets and alleys. Residents in the area provided sanctuary, food and water to many fleeing youths and workers.

“Natutupok na ang buong daigdig. Sa pulang watawat ng mga anakpawis”. – hapon ng 30 Enero 1070.

Some of you may have been there and can vividly recall how that January 30-31 protest rally ended: hundreds on both sides were injured — and four students died of  gunshot wounds.

That and the succeeding events in the first three months of 1970, capped by daily teach-ins, almost weekly demonstrations and “people’s marches” and the mushrooming of youth and allied organizations nationwide, constituted the First Quarter Storm.

The chain of tumultuous events encapsulated in the FQS has left an indelible mark in the nation’s history. And not just a mark, but a continuing impact in the nation’s political life, which we shall delve on in a while.

Corollarily, those events have had a compendious impact on each and every participant. The impact may vary in terms of the intensity of feelings evoked, and the depth of political commitment one has embraced, nurtured and maintained – or later abandoned and lost.

Let’s take a peek at how certain youth activists, cited and quoted by Rodis in his recollections, have regarded the FQS.  Here they are:

Mario Taguiwalo, who became a Department of Health undersecretary in the Cory Aquino administration:

“The deaths of friends, the terror of gunfire, (and) the taste of truncheons taught a lot of “isms” in one night. By the morning of Jan. 31, 1970 a thousand chapters of student organizations had begun taking root in schools and communities nationwide.”  

As regards FQS influence on his thoughts and actions, Taguiwalo proudly said:

“Every time I am tempted to give up on people, I am reminded of the power of ideals deeply held and I persevere again, seeking to convince and not to compel.”

Gary Olivar, the “radical” whom Edjop had denied his turn to speak at the January 26 rally, and who became a Sumitomo Bank executive and later (until now) a Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo spokesperson, rhapsodized:

“A dream so compelling in its inception, so irresistible in its sweep, that it hurled thousands of us against the walls of this palace – as if somehow through the sheer weight of our passion on that endless night, we would reclaim the palace as our own.

“In the conceit of our youth, we believed we could repair the broken bones of a people lay despoiled and fulfill a dream of human freedom, of national sovereignty, of equitable progress for every Filipino.”

Nelson Navarro, a newspaper columnist who authored a 2011 biography of Dr. Nemesio E. Prudente, the nationalist former president of Polytechnic University of the Philippines, also enthused:

“(The FQS) was that cathartic student revolt in the first months of 1970 that shook the nation with its intense and all-encompassing life-changing experiences.”

Yet at a reunion of activists held at the Malacanang Freedom Park in 1990, organized by Rodis to commemorate the FQS 20th anniversary, Navarro sounded jaded and disappointing with this remark:

“Reunions are beautiful, because the older we get, the more we cease seeing ourselves as friends or enemies. We are simply survivors sharing a common memory.”

On Edgar Jopson — the “moderate” who had earlier earned fame by challenging Marcos, during a dialog in Malacanang, to put in writing his commitment not to run for re-election in 1969, to which Marcos gruffly riposted by derisively calling him “the son of a grocer” – Rodis wrote this paean:

“Not present (at the reunion) was my friend Edjop, who became a revered people’s hero after he was arrested, tortured, jailed for his underground anti-dictatorship efforts, and later executed by the military on September 20, 1982 when he was barely 34 years old.”

What Rodis failed to say, or intentionally skipped, was that Edjop had turned into a “radical”.  He joined the Communist Party of the Philippines, assumed responsible positions, escaped from detention and returned to the underground.  While trying to slip out during a military raid in an underground house in Davao, Edjop was shot and wounded. But instead of giving him medical attention, his captors “salvaged” him (what Rodis’ father feared might be done to his son had he stuck it out with Edjop).

On the other hand, Rodis wrote about the 180-degree political turnabout of another FQS firebrand, Jerry Barican:

“Once the ‘radical’ president of the UP Student Council, he became a staunchly conservative lawyer who justified his sea change by paraphrasing Churchill: ‘If you are not a radical at 18, you have no heart.  If you are still a radical at 30, you have no head.’  Jerry went on to become a spokesman for then President Joseph ‘Erap’ Estrada.”

From this citation of incidents and statements, we can deduce the following:

1. Then as now, the sectarian rivalry (if not enmity) between the “radicals” and “moderates” (natdems and socdems), who had agreed to conduct a “united front” protest action against a common foe (the Marcos administration), was deep and intense.  Note that even Edjop’s sectarian impulse drove him to violate the agreement on the sequence of speakers.

2. Edjop’s later opting to pursue his ideals via the “radical” way indicates either of two things, or both: a) that he found the “moderate” path disappointingly inept or futile; and b) that the drawing power of the “radical” ideas and methods of organizing and mobilization were so compelling, he was swept into the vortex of the national-democratic movement like thousands of other students and community youths across the country, both organized and unorganized.

In fact, the bastion of the “moderates” and nascent social democrats, Ateneo de Manila, yielded to the sweeping force of the “radical” national-democratic movement.  Lakasdiwa, Ateneo’s youth organization (which the socdems claim as part of their earlier formations) turned largely into natdem in the wake of the FQS. Besides Edjop, other Ateneans had joined the Left underground movement and became revolutionary martyrs.

3. The degree of “radicalization” on the heels of the FQS was not the same for everyone.  Some may have been radicalized only intellectually and fleetingly, others both psychologically and emotionally.  Still others were radicalized in a thoroughgoing way as to undergo a sea change in the way they had viewed society and the world, and their role in changing them.

4. Among those in the first category are the likes of Gary Olivar and Jerry Barican – who are both facile with words and smart-alecky.  Olivar simply saw the FQS as a “dream” about the youth’s power for radical change, but deemed that power as only a product of youthful conceit incapable of transforming the dream into reality. Ditto with Barican.

The duo dropped out early to pursue traditional careers within the prevailing system that they, as “radical” student leaders, had virulently condemned and strongly opposed.  Consequently, they ended up as spokespersons for two former presidents, both traditional politicians identified with plunder and high-level corruption.

5. Those in the last category underwent a “radical rupture” in worldview that impelled them –consciously — to go headlong into the revolutionary movement.  Many have stood by their commitment to struggle for fundamental change shoulder-to-shoulder with the masses until victory is fully attained.

Many others, like Edgar Jopson, became martyrs and heroes in the course of the life-and-death struggle. In the coming years, more and more of their names will be enshrined in the Wall of Remembrance at the Bantayog ng mga Bayani in Quezon City, as well as in similar, albeit small and modest, monuments and markers in the different regions of the country.

6. Many of those in the second category also joined the underground in the initial years after Marcos imposed martial law, underwent no mean hardships, dangers, and sacrifices.  However, they later decided to lie low by opting to leave the countryside or the urban underground networks in the various regions, or after they had been arrested, tortured and detained.

Yet most of the lie-low ex-activists I encountered in the course of going around the country since 1992 (after I was freed from my second detention without being convicted of any crime), remained wistful of their FQS days.  Rage still simmers in their persona over the continuing injustices, exploitation and oppression and disquiet over their not having done enough to eradicate such scourges.

That many of these FQS veterans expressed readiness to lend a hand in the continuing fight has encouraged me a lot. In fact, some came forward with financial contributions, others pledged to support in various ways, particularly after we organized Bayan Muna in 1999 and successfully entered the electoral arena in 2001.

From these observations, I believe that we can safely say this:

The biggest impact of the FQS on the nation’s politics is that it provided the best and the brightest cadres and activists to the national-democratic revolutionary underground movement and the open democratic mass movement.

These tandem movements – one underground and “illegal” the other aboveground and legal — have played crucial roles in developing mass consciousness about the roots of our national problems, and the need to organize and mobilize the politicized basic masses and the middle forces from the various sectors of society to struggle for national freedom and sovereignty, economic emancipation from imperialist and feudal stranglehold, human rights, social justice, and genuine and lasting peace.

The national-democratic movement seeded by the FQS provided the primary forces that perseveringly, consistently exposed and opposed the anti-democratic, anti-people US-backed Marcos dictatorship, progressively weakened and politically isolated it by the early 1980s.  Other contributory factors – such as the assassination of Ninoy Aquino in 1983, the manipulated results of the snap elections in 1985, and the aborted coup by a group of military rebels identified with then Defense Secretary Juan Ponce Enrile spurred bigger and bigger protest actions leading to the dictatorship’s ouster in 1986.

It is important to point out that the social democrats, with Ateneo as their springboard, decided to organize in the late 1960s in reaction to, and as counterfoil to, the rapidly growing national-democratic forces.

In the introduction to the book he edited, titled “Socdem,” Benjamin Tolosa Jr. cites the socdem’s acknowledgement that the natdem forces “led by the Communist Party of the Philippines-National Democratic Front” were “the strongest and most organized pole against Marcos.”  The socdems have attempted to provide what they call a “third force” or “third way” – supposedly as an alternative between the reactionary ruling system and the Left revolutionary path.

However, our historical experience shows that no such third force or third way has emerged as a viable or credible alternative political force or political program.  The most potent political force and authentic alternative program challenging the rotting ruling system are those of the national-democratic revolutionary movement.

What has been amply shown is that, in their bid to stanch the advance of the Left revolutionary movement, the socdems gravitated to and collaborated with the Cory Cojuangco-Aquino government that took over from the Marcos dictatorship. And, in varying degrees, they have done the same with every succeeding administration, including the hated and discredited Macapagal-Arroyo regime. The socdems have gained more influence in the current P-Noy government.

Before I close this presentation, let me go back to what I concluded in my 2008 UP Centennial lecture on militant activism. I said then:

“Regardless of how some people, or perhaps a good number of people, may view its continuing relevance to our national life, or its prospects of succeeding in its avowed goals, the national-democratic revolutionary movement is undeniably alive.  It is persevering to advance and to win.  In the process of waging life-and-death struggle against the forces seeking to destroy it, the movement is endeavoring to establish a genuine state of the people from its basic units in the countryside communities.

Ipagtagumpay ang diwa ng FQS!

“It has had its ups and downs, its ebbs and flows. It has suffered setbacks from serious errors committed at various levels of its leadership, the most serious of which took place in the 1980s. A painful campaign was launched to rectify the errors, which have been largely successful, although some manifestations do appear now and then indicating that lessons from the past have yet to be completely comprehended and assiduously applied.”

Today I find no reason to alter that conclusion.  

I reaffirm it in light of the situation we are in and what’s going on worldwide. How shall we regard the continuing global crisis of the capitalist system that started in 2008, the bankruptcy of neoliberal globalization, and the anguished acknowledgement by bourgeois economists of the validity of Karl Marx’s analysis?  How shall we assess the movement’s prospects vis-à-vis these global factors and the universal ferment of popular protests all demanding change?

Thus, as we commemorate the 42nd anniversary of the First Quarter Storm, let us debunk the view of those who regard it as mainly a topic for reminiscences and nostalgia-tripping. Instead let us proclaim the FQS as an epochal event the impact and validity of which pulsates ever more strongly in the bloodstream of the continuing national-democratic revolutionary struggle. #

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Posted by on January 31, 2012 in New Politics


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Para sa mga Barangay: Automation Software System

PROPOSAL TO DEVELOP A BARANGAY AUTOMATION SYSTEM. Windows-based software to conveniently manage your Barangay System and Administration.

The system shall cover the following functions:

•  Clearances and Certificates Module
This module prepares and prints the barangay permits and certificates with photo capture.
Follows are the client information’s that are necessary in data storage:
– Name
– Place of Birth
– Date of Birth
– Address
– Findings
– Purpose
– Picture

•  Barangay Directory Module
The Barangay Directory module is important in record keeping of the client barangay. It enables easy searching of records to locate and identify legitimate residents in the area including individual profile such as:
– Name
– Family Name
– Telephone Numbers
– Address
– Civil Status, Date Of Birth
– Parents Name
– Educational Attainment
– Religion
– Years of Stay in the Barangay

•  Barangay Blotter Module
This module enables to store all the incident reports happening in the client Barangay. The following are the beneficial advantages:
– It can provide automatic record check
– Systematic issuance of Clearances and Certificates
– Efficient reporting system
– Tremendous savings of the cost in office supplies and transportation expense
– Paperless reporting system

•  Barangay Form
– Barangay Justice Forms
– Barangay Clearance with ID
– Accounting Forms
– Administrative Forms
– Letter Head

•  System Security
The system security prevents a user to do authorize task. The Administrator of the system shall provide task assignment for each user. Follows are system output involved
– Able to create User for the system
– Access Module restriction per User.
– Login and Re-login capability

•  Database Backup/Restore
– Provides a flexible tool that backups your database anytime.




Requirements, analysis and the modification will commence immediately after acceptance of this proposal.


Implementation assistance will be provided to the client; this includes installation of the system, monitoring of master files buildup, consultation on system set up, and supervision of the initial cycle test of entire system by the client’s users.


Training will be scheduled to the client with accompanying handouts to provide guidelines to the trainees who would eventually be the end-users of the system.

User Acceptance

After signing the user acceptance, Client Barangay will receive CD installer with document of instruction for future use.


Client Barangay will assign a person to take charge, who will be responsible for the proper supervision, control, and management of the project.  He / She would also serve as the contact person between the Barangay and the System Provider.

Computer Set (Included)

To run the above-mentioned system, the hardware component of the system must have the following configuration.

Processor:      AMD Sempron 145  2.8GHz
Motherboard:   Emax MCP61D3 PCIE/DDR3
Memory:         2GB DDR3 1333MHz
Hard Drive:      500GB 7200RPM Samsung Hard Drive SATA II
ODD:              DVD+RW Drive Sata2
Monitor:          18.5 Widescreen Samsung LCD Monitor
Casing:           Black/Silver with 700w PSU
Others:           Mouse, Keyboard, Webcam, Speaker, AVR, Mouse Pad
Printer:           Epson ME32, Computer Table
Drivers:           Mother Board, Printer, Webcam Drivers

Backup of Data

The client will be responsible for maintaining a working backup of the entire system both front-end & back-end.

Implementation Support and Training

Implementation support shall be provided to the client free of charge. A Scheduled training and implementation is usually done prior to the full blast use of the system.

Any revision done after the implementation, not agreed upon the signing of the business flow will be charged accordingly.


Two types of Payment:

1.   Cash basis or upon the approval of Barangay budget.

2.   Terms (The payment will acquire from the fee to be collected on the ID Card, Clearances and Certificates).

If you have any questions regarding this proposal and/or request of Full Corporate Offer, please do not hesitate to contact the undersigned.

We are looking forward to a mutually beneficial partnership with you.

Yours truly,

Authorized Distributor

Cell Phone Number: 0927-524-3108 Tel.: 02-919-04-79
Email Address:

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Posted by on November 29, 2011 in Automation


Pulitika ng Pagbabago sa Barangay


Ang barangay ay ekstensiyon ng naghaharing pampulitikang pangkat at o dinastiya sa antas lunsod/munisipyo o probinsiya. Nagsisilbing pampulitikang base at sanayan ng mga bagong tradisyunal na pulitiko o trapo sa hinaharap. Maraming kandidato sa pagka- punong barangay ay anak o kamag-anak at kaibigan ng meyor o konsehal. Tuntungan din ito ng mga susunod na lider sa antas bayan/lunsod at kongreso. Marami ding miyembro ng kongreso ay sinimulan ang kanilang political career sa antas barangay.

Ang bilang ng kandidatong pambarangay sa antas pambansa – na umaabot sa 336,200 nitong nakaraang eleksiyon – ay suportado din ng mga kongresista at iba pang lokal na pulitiko para imentina ang kanilang political power base na magagamit tuwing eleksiyon. Sa ganitong kalakaran, ang mandato ng barangay, alinsunod sa saligang batas na “non-partisan” at “independent” ay isa lamang lip-service.

Sa isang sistemang pulitikal tulad ng umiiral sa Pilipinas, na dominado ng mga elitistang tradisyunal na pulitiko o trapo, ang konsepto at praktika ng “governance”, mula sa antas pambansa hanggang sa antas barangay ay kasing kahulugan ng “patronage politics” at kurapsiyon. Ang mga pampublikong biyaya at serbisyo ay ipinamamahagi hindi bilang pampublikong tungkulin kundi bilang pabor ng isang patron para sa kanyang dependents.


Ang barangay ay dapat nasa unahan para sa kampanya laban sa laganap na kahirapan at mabilis na tumutugon sa mga batayang serbisyong panlipunan kabilang ang serbisyong pang-kalusugan at edukasyon.

Ngunit, sa pangkalahatan ang pang-ekonomiyang pagpapaunlad tulad ng programa sa kabuhayan (livelihood), ay hindi prayoridad sa barangay development funds (BDFs). Ang karaniwang mga Programa, Aktibidad at Proyekto (PAPs), na isporadikong ginagawa, ay karaniwang katumbas lamang ng pagpapaunlad sa barangay hall, bagong basketball courts, “beautification” at “beauty contest’, linis-kanal at iba pang impraistruktura na artipisyal ang silbi sa ekonomiya ng komunidad at pagdalo sa mga kumperensiya at seminar na sa katunayan ay anyo lamang ng de-subsidyong bakasyon ng mga opisyales.


Talamak ang kurapsiyon na nakalakip sa mga PAPs kabilang ang mga pinondohan mula sa “pork barrel fund” na ibinibigay sa mga pinapaburang barangay. Sa sumada, lahat ng mga ito na ibinibigay ng mga opisyales na serbisyo ay pakitang-tao, mas mahalaga sa kanila ay ang kanilang porsiyento na makukurakot sa pamamagitan ng “SOP” o kikbak na umaabot sa 50% porsiyento ng tunay na halaga, mula sa mga alaga at pinapaburang suplayer.

Naiiwan sa dilim ang mga residente at mamamayan kung papaano ginastos ang multi-milyong pondo sapagkat patuloy na nilalabag ng mga barangay ang publisidad ng kanilang gastos. Maraming residente at mamamayan ang di nakaka-alam na kinukuha ng barangay ang kanilang pondo sa: 35 porsiyento ng 40 porsiyento ng kabuuang government revenues; 20 porsiyento ng internal revenue allotment (IRA); 30 porsiyento ng community tax collections; 25-35 porsiyento ng real property tax; at iba pang revenues mula sa barangay clearances at business permits. Meron ding mga barangay na beneficiaries ng foreign grants at “corporate social responsibility” (CSR) projects.

Ang barangay ay isang pabigat na suson sa public administration na sumasalamin sa kabulukan ng mga mayor na institusyon ng pambansang burukrasya, na lahat ng masama at bulok na gawi ng governance ay patuloy na ginagawa — political patronage, corruption at nepotism. Tulad sa national bureaucracy, ang mekanismo ng transparency and accountability ay isang guni-guni lamang sa antas barangay.


Ngayong buwan ng Oktubre, pinangungunahan ng Department of the Interior and Local Government (DILG) ang pagdiriwang sa ika-20 taon ng Local Government Code of 1991 o RA 7160. Dalawang dekada na ang lumipas pagtatapos pagtibayin ang naturang batas, ang mandato at minimithing reporma ay hindi pa lubos na naisasagawa. Karamihan sa mga kasalukuyang naihalal sa tungkulin, lalo na ang mga utak-trapo, ay nananatiling “lip service” lamang ang antas ng pagpapatupad sa “participatory governance”, samantalang ang iba nama’y pilit na iniikutan ang mga probisyon nito.

Sa naturang batas, tampok ang ilang demokratikong reporma sa governance. Mula sa labis na sentralisadong kontrol ng gubyernong nasyunal sa mga usapin ng “governance”, niluwagan ito at inilatag ang debolusyon – higit na otonomiya sa lokal at pagbibigay ng dagdag kapangyarihan sa mga Local Government Units o LGU hanggang antas barangay.

Kasabay nito’y nalikha din ang isang anyo ng demokratikong mekanismo – ang “Development Council” at nabuksan ang puwang para sa mas malawak at direktang partisipasyon ng mamamayan sa pamamagitan ng mga People’s Organizations (POs) at Non-Governmental Organizations (NGO) sa pagsisikap ng pag-gogubyerno.

Nililinaw din ang papel ng POs at NGOs bilang partner ng mga LGUs sa lokalidad. Sinasabi sa  Local Government Code of 1991, Chapter 4, ang mga sumusunod: 

SEC. 34. Role of People’s and Nongovernmental Organizations. – Local government units shall promote the establishment and operation of people’s and nongovernmental organizations to become active partners in the pursuit of local autonomy.

SEC. 35. Linkages with People’s and Non-Governmental Organizations. – Local government units may enter into joint ventures and such other cooperative arrangements with people’s and nongovernmental organizations to engage in the delivery of certain basic services, capability-building and livelihood projects, and to develop local enterprises designed to improve productivity and income, diversify agriculture, spur rural industrialization, promote ecological balance, and enhance the economic and social well-being of the people.

SEC. 36. Assistance to People’s and Nongovernmental Organizations. – A local government unit may, through its local chief executive and with the concurrence of the sanggunian concerned, provide assistance, financial or otherwise, to such people’s and nongovernmental organizations for economic, socially-oriented, environmental, or cultural projects to be implemented within its territorial jurisdiction”.

Ang Development Council

Tampok na mekanismong ipinag-uutos ng batas ay ang pagbubuo ng “Development Council” sa bawat barangay, lunsod at probinsiya sa buong bansa. Ang mga ideya, panukala at aspirasyon ng mga mamamayan ay mapapadaloy at makakamit lamang sa pamamagitan ng ganitong demokratikong mekanismo.

Kung sa antas barangay, ang komposisyon ng “Development Council” ay nakadetalye sa Sec. 107 ng LGC, ang sumusunod:

Ang “Barangay Development Council” ay pamumunuan ng Punong Barangay at binubuo ng mga sumusunod na miyembro:

(1)   Miyembro ng Sangguniang Barangay;

(2)   Kinatawan ng people’s organization at o non-governmental organizations na umiiral sa barangay, kung saan binubuo ng hindi kukulangin sa 25 porsiyento (4-5 lider) ng kabuuang naorganisang council; at

(3)   Kinatawan ng kongresista.

Sa diwa ng transparency and good governance, ang pangunahing tungkulin ng development council alinsunod sa local government code ay ang mga sumusunod:

The barangay development council shall exercise the following functions:

(1)  Mobilize people’s participation in local development efforts;

(2)   Prepare barangay development plans based on local requirements;

(3)  Monitor and evaluate the implementation of national or local programs and projects; and

(4)   Perform such other functions as may be provided by law or competent authority”.

Nararapat imaksimisa ng mga community-based organizations at PO/NGO ang mga demokratikong probisyon nito para sa pagsusulong ng tunay na people’s empowerment.

Gayunman, para makamit ang ganitong mga demokratikong espasyo, nararapat magkaroon ng aktibong partisipasyon ang mga organisasyon at PO/NGO.

Buwagin: Bogus na Barangay Development Council

Partikular sa Barangay Fortune, lunsod ng Marikina, hindi seryoso ang punong barangay na ipatupad ang konsepto at prinsipyo ng people’s participation at good governance. Unang-una, hanggang sa kasalukuyan ay hindi nito ginagawa ang tungkulin na ipalaganap ang kahalagahan nito sa pamamagitan ng massive information and education drive sa mga organisasyon at mamamayan.

Kung kaya’t mababa, kung di man ay walang partisipasyon ang mga organisasyon sa barangay development council. Nagkasya ang punong barangay sa kanyang personal at ma-anomalyang proseso sa pagtukoy kung sino ang pauupuin sa naturang development council. Mas malubha pa, tinukoy nito ang barangay auxilliary force – ang Bantay-Bayan bilang kasapi sa development council.

Sa kasalukuyan ay walang umiiral na tunay na barangay development council dito. Ang umiiral ay isang BOGUS AT WALANG SILBING barangay development council. Nararapat itong buwagin agad at itayo ang isang tunay na demokratikong development council.

Konseho ng Mamamayan para sa Mamamayan

Isang hamon sa mga progresibong lider ng mga organisasyon at PO/NGO sa barangay Fortune na igiit ang tunay na diwa ng people’s participation sa local governance. Para tunay at seryosong maisulong ang interes ng mamamayan, nararapat maitayo ang isang independiyenteng porum at o organisasyon ng mga PO/NGO sa saklaw ng barangay para demokratikong ihalal ang kanilang 25% representasyon sa barangay development council at mula dito ay tukuyin ang kanilang mga issues and concerns at o kolektibong interes. Ang mga issues and concerns na ito ay agad na isumite sa pamamagitan ng kanilang kinatawan sa barangay development council para sa kinakailangang aksiyon.

Ang forum at o organisasyon ng mga PO/NGO ay maaaring itayo sa porma ng Konseho ng Mamamayan o People’s Council ng lahat ng mga organisasyon, PO/NGO sa saklaw ng barangay, para mabigyan ng direksiyon ang kanilang 25% representasyon. Para sa ganitong layunin, ang Konseho ng Mamamayan ay dapat abutin ang isang antas ng kredibilidad at independensiya mula sa kontrol ng mga pulitiko.

Ang pagtatayo ng People’s Council, na maaaring pansamantalang tawaging  – “Barangay Fortune People’s Council” o BFPC. Ang BFPC ay nararapat na malaya mula sa kontrol at manipulasyon ng ng mga pulitiko para di mabahiran ng anumang electoral agenda. Abutin ang mga organisasyon mula sa mga HOA, subdibisyon, lider-manggagawa/unyon, kooperatiba at organisasyong sektoral kabilang ang kabataan, kababaihan, senior citizen, Toda, entrepreneurs, civic orgs., NGO at iba pang organisasyong umiiral sa barangay. – mula dito ay pagkaisahan ng naturang assembly ang 25% (4) na kinatawan nila sa BDC, para sa pagsusulong ng Barangay development work/plan para sa mamamayan.


Ano ang mga tsansa na mapaglingkod ang barangay para sa pulitika ng pagbabago at para sa tunay na kapakanan ng mamamayan?

Sa katunayan ay walang kakulangan ng mga aktwal na karanasan at mga subok na ideya na maaari pang paunlarin tungo sa kinakailangang repormang pampulitika sa antas barangay. Sapat ang mga naipong kaalaman at progresibong balangkas ng community work, campaign and mass mobilization principles, kabilang ang alternative land use, literacy, traditional health-care practices at proteksiyon sa kalikasan mula sa deka-dekadang social advocacy ng mga people’s organizations, NGOs, at mga people-oriented institutions.

Umaapaw din ang bilang ng mga lider-komunidad na naghahanap ng makabuluhang pampulitikang pagbabago at patuloy na nagtatanim ng mga binhi ng people empowerment sa mga komunidad at maaaring gamitin ang barangay bilang institusyon para sa tunay na pagbabago. Sa pagpapalaganap ng kinakailangang oryentasyon na inspirado ng “pulitika ng pagbabago”, kahit ang kasalukuyang opisyales ng barangay na mayroong napatunayang mabuting performance ay makakatulong bilang gulugod para sa progresibong barangay politics at good governance.

Progresibong Lingkod-Bayan

Mayroon din namang progresibong lokal na halal na opisyal, na hindi lamang lubos na ipinatutupad ang mga probisyon ng batas, kundi sa katunayan ay bibibigyang buhay pa nito ang mga konsepto at prinsipyo ng “participatory governance”.  Sila ang mga tunay na lider at lingkod-bayan na nagtatakwil sa tradisyunal na molde ng “governance”. Sila ang mga LGU na gumagamit ng inobasyon, imahinasyon at pagiging mapanlikha sa pagsasagawa ng malawak na partisipasyon ng mamamayan.

Taglay ang sapat na kapangyarihan para ibigay ang mga batayang serbisyo, ang  42,025 bilang ng mga barangay sa Pilipinas ay maaaring magsilbing community-based na makinarya para sa demokratikong pag-gogubyerno at pag-papaunlad. Ang barangay ay gumagampan bilang “yunit na tagapagpartikularisa at tagapagpatupad ng mga polisiya, plano, programa, proyekto at aktibidad sa mga komunidad (Section 384, 1991 Local Government Code). Ang Sangguniang Barangay, ay gumagampang ng gawaing lehislatura, ehekutibo, at quasi-judicial powers para gumawa ng mga lokal na alituntunin sa pagpapatupad ng mga batas, i-deliber ang mga batayang serbisyo at mamagitan sa mga gusot pang-komunidad – sa pamamagitan ng partnership sa mga POs/NGOs.

Ang barangay ay mayroong likas na katungkulan at mga yunit kung saan maaaring languyan ng mga advocates ng pulitika ng pagbabago, tulad ng pagpapatakbo o pagsuporta sa mga kandidato, kabilang ang aktibong papel sa barangay assemblies at programa. Ang pagpapalaganap sa progresibong barangay politics ay maaaring mapaunlad sa pamamagitan ng community-based organizations na nasasandatahan ng pro-people mission at skills of alternative governance.

Kalaunan, ang pulitika ng pagbabago sa barangay ang mangingibabaw sa bulok na sistema ng tradisyunal na pulitika.


Posted by on October 19, 2011 in People's Participation


Guidelines in Monitoring the Functionality of the Barangay Development Council

Republic of the Philippines


A. Francisco Gold Condominium II, EDSA cor. Mapagmahal St.

Barangay Pinyahan, Diliman, Quezon City

August 7, 2009


No. 2009-109




Pursuant to Section 106 of the Local Government Code of 1991, each local government  unit shall have a comprehensive multi-sectoral development plan to be initiated by its development council and approved by its sanggunian. At the barangay level, it is the Barangay Development Council that shall assist the Sangguniang Barangay in setting the direction od economic and social development and coordinating development efforts within its territorial jurisdiction.

Indeed, the BDC plays a pivotal role in the over-all development and progress of the barangay and is considered the mother of all special bodies in the barangay being the umbrella organization of all barangay-based institutions (BBIs).


This guidelines is hereby issued to regularly monitor and evaluate the BDCs to assess their performance vis-a-vis their mandated functions and responsibilities thereby determining whether they are functional or not. The result of the assessment will enable the barangay governments themselves, municipal/city government or national agencies concerned to adopt policies and/or program interventions to make the BDCs viable community-based institutions.


 1. Pursuant to Section 107 of the LGC, the BDC shall be composed of the following:

1.1   Punong Barangay as Chairman;

1.2   Members of the Sangguniang Barangay;

1.3   Representatives of non-governmental organizations operating in the barangay, who shall constitute not less than one fourth (1/4) of the members of the fully organized council; and

1.4   A representative of the congressman as member.

2. Functions (Section 109, LGC)

2.1     Mobilize people’s participation in local development efforts;

2.2     Prepare barangay development plans based on local requirements;

2.3     Monitor and evaluate the implementation of national or local programs and projects; and

2.4     Perform such other functions as maybe provided by law or competent authority.

Likewise, Section 113 of the LGC call for the constitution of the BDC Secretariat headed by the Barangay Secretary and assisted by the city or Municipal Planning and Development coordinator concerned and shall be responsible:

a.   provision of technical support to the BDC;

b.   documentation of the Council’s proceedings;

c.    preparation of the council’s report; and

d.    provision of other assistance as needed by the Council.


The functionality of BDC shall be assessed in the following areas: 1) Organization; 2) Meetings; 3) Policies and Plans; and 4) Accomplishments

       1. Organization

1.1   The BDC shall be organized/reorganized though an executive order of the Punong Barangay issued within 75 days upon assumption to office;

1.2   the BDC shall conform with the prescribed membership pursuant to Section 107 of the LGC of 1991;

1.3   The BDC members shall be oriented/trained on their roles and functions by the Punong Barangay assissted by the MPDc and DILG field Officer;

1.4   BDC Secretarial shall be constituted, to be headed by the Barangay Secretary;

1.5   BDC Executive Committee shall be created, composed of the Punong Barangay as Chairman, a representative of the Sangguniang Barangay chosen from each members and a representative of NGOs that are represented in the council; and

1.6    the BDC may organized sectoral or functional committees whose membership is composed of coordinators and/or voluteers in the community to assist them in the performance of their functions.

      2. Meetings

          2.1   The BDC shall meet at least once every six (6) months or as often as necessary. Quorum, which means a majority of all the members of the BDC, shall at all times be observed during meetings;

2.2   The BDC Secretariat shall prepare the minutes of the meeting to be signed by the Punong Barangay;

2.3   Executive Committee Meetings shall be conducted; and

2.4   Sectoral/functional committee Meetings shall be conducted.

     3.  Policies and Plans

          3.1    Formulated Policies and Plans on: 

                  a.   Mobilization of people’s participation in local development efforts;

b.   Preparation of Barangay development plan; and

c.   Monitoring and evaluation of national and local programs/projects.

   4.   Accomplishments

         4.1   Mobilization of people’s participation in local development efforts:

4.1.1    Presence of bayanihan.   The BDC must seek residents’ cooperation and participation, i.e. Offering of free labor, materials and financial assistance to barangay initiated undertakings;

4.1.2    Attendance to Barangay Assembly; and

4.1.3    compliance to other issuances calling for direct participation of barangay residents.

4.2    Preparation of the barangay development plan based on the local requirements:

4.2.1   All BDC members shall actively participate in the preparation of barangay development plan;

4.2.2   The BDP shall be prepared based on the needs of of the constituents. Public consultation shall be conducted prior to the preparation of BDP;

4.2.3   Presence of Barangay Socio-Economic Profile;

4.2.4   BDC members shall prioritize the plans and projects of other BBIs submitted for integration to the BDP; and

4.2.5   The approved BDP shall be integrated into the City/Municipal Development plan (bonus point).

4.3    Monitoring and evaluation of the implementation of national and local programs and projects:

4.3.1   Presence of accomplished Monitoring and Evaluation Forms;

4.3.2   Presence of contractors/implementers’ progress report;

4.3.3   There shall be an assigned committee or personnel to monitor and    evaluate the national and local programs/projects;

4.3.4   BDC members shall conduct ocular inspection in every project/program   implemented in the barangay;

4.3.5   Barangay projects are carried out as planned;

4.3.6   Barangay funds are utilized in accordance with the approved barangay budget fully supported with complete documents and properly liquidated;

4.3.7     Individual or group interview shall be applied in evaluating the programs/projects for feedbacking; and

4.3.8     Results of evaluation are deliberated upon during barangay assembly.


        Levels of Functionality:

Basic Acquired a rating of 20% and achieved the requirements for organization and meetings;
Progressive Achieved a rating of 21-50%, and and aside from organization and meetings, it achieved the requirements of any of the sub-indicators under Policies and Plans or Accomplishment Report or vice-versa;
Mature Acquired a rating of 51-79%, and achieved the requirements for organization and meetings, and and any of the sub-indicators under policies and Plans or Accomplishment Report or vice-versa;
Ideal Acquired the rating of 80-100%, means that the BDC was able to achieve all the indicators for evaluating functionality


        The MAT shall be created in every city or municipality to evaluate the functionality of the BDCs. The following is the suggested MAT composition:

City/Municipal MAT

Chair          :    City/Municipal Local Government operations Officer

Member     :     C/M Planning Development Officer

President, Liga ng mga Barangay-C/M Chapter

C/M Budget Officer

One (1) NGO representative who is a member of the City/Municipal Development council

The City/Municipal Mayors are allowed to change the MAT composition like designating other officials to chair the MAT (i.e C/M Planning Development Officer, city/Municipal Administrator) or appointing other city/municipal officials as members of the MAT.


1. Review BDC documents (i.e resolutions, minutes of the meetings, BDP, policies and plans, etc.);

2. Evaluate/rate the BDCs based on the standard rating provided herein using BDC Form 1; and

3. submit report to the DILG Provincial Office.


     A.    Role of the DILG

             1.  National Barangay Operations Office

                  a. Maintain a National Masterlist of barangays indicating the BDCs Level of Functionality.

b. Submit a Status Report to SILG on the result of the annual monitoring; and

c. Conduct validation activity whenever necessary.

             2.  Regional Office

                 a. Maintain Regional Masterlist of Barangays indicating the BDC’s level of Functionality;

b. Accomplish BDC Form No.5 and submit the accomplished form together with the soft copy of Regional Master list of Barangays with the BDC’s Level of functionality to the Central Office through NBOO, and

c. Provide technical assistance to the field offices whenever necessary about the requirements of this directive.

           3. Provincial Office 

                a. Maintain Provincial Masterlist of Barangays indicating the BDC’s level of Functionality;

b. Accomplish BDC Form No.4 and submit the accomplished form together with the soft copy of Provincial Master list of Barangays with the BDC’s Level of functionality to the Regional Office concerned.

           4. City/Municipal Office

               a. Lead/Assist the Monitoring and Assessment Team (MAT);

b. Maintain City/Municipal Masterlist of Barangays indicating the BDC’s level of Functionality;

c. Accomplish BDC Form No.2 and 3 and submit the accomplished forms to the next higher provincial office concerned; and

     B. Frequency of Monitoring and Submission

Monitoring and evaluation of the functionality shall be conducted annually to start on the first week of  January to March of CY 2010 and every year thereafter. The preceding year shall be the reckoning period in the conduct of the assessment.

The soft copy of the Consolidated Form 05 shall be submitted to the National Barangay Operations Office (NBOO) thru e-mail at on or before the end of April 2010 and every year thereafter.

All Regional Directors and DILG Field Officers are directed to cause  the immediate dissemination and provide technical assistance relative to this issuance.

For compliance.

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Posted by on September 26, 2011 in Local Development Councils


Posting of Barangay Budget, Statement of Income and Expenditures and other Barangay Financial Transaction, and Annual Procurement Plan



A. Francisco Gold Condominium II, EDSA cor. Mapagmahal St.

Diliman, Quezon City

December 14, 2010


NO. 2010-149



Cognizant of the President’s call for transparent, honest and responsive governance, the DILG has to undertake necessary measures to ensure that local government units (LGUs) adhere to the highest ideals and standards of transparency and accountability.

In view therefore, all Punong Barangays are hereby directed to post in conspicios places like the entrance of their barangay hall and other public places, and in their website (if available), the following:

1. Annual Budget.   Information detail to the level of particulars of personal services, maintenance and other operating expenses and capital outlay (Source document-Local Budget Preparation Form No.3 titled, Program Appropriation and Obligation by Object of Expenditure, limited to PS, MOOE and CO. for sample form, please visit;

2. Itemized Monthly Collections and Disbursement.  This should be Posted within (10) days following the end of every month;

3. Summary of Income and Expenditures. Section 352 of the local Government Code of 1991 requires the posting within thirty (30) days from the end of each fiscal year in at least three (3) publicly accessible and conspicuous places in the barangay a summary of all  revenues collected and funds received including the preceding fiscal year;

4. Component of the IRA Utilization.  Information detail of the level of particulars of objects of expenditures on social development, economic development and environment management and other barangay expenses;

5.  Annual Procurement Plan or Procurement List   Information detail of the level of name of project, individual item or article and specification or description of good and   services, procurement method, fund source, unit price or estimated cost or approved budget  for the contract and procurement schedule (Source Document – LGU Form No.02 Makati City. For sample form, please visit;

6. Items to Bid.      Information detail of the level of individual Invitation to Bid, containing information as prescribed in Section 21.1 of RA 9184 (The Governmen Procurement Reform Act) to be updated quaterly (Source document – Invitation to Apply for Eligibility and to Bid as prescribed in Section 21.1 of RA 9184. For sample form, please visit

7.  Bid Results on Civil Works. and Goods and Services.  Information detail of the level   of project reference number, name and location of project, name (company  and  proprietor) and address of winning bidder, bid amount, approved budget for the contact, bidding date, and contract duration, to be updated quarterly (Source document – Infrastructure Projects/Goods  and Services Bid-Out (2010). (For sample form, please visit;

8. Abstract of Bids as Calculated   Information detail of the level of project name, location, implementing office, approved budget for the contract, quantity and items subject for bidding, and bids of competing bidders, to be updated quarterly (Source document – Standard Form No. SF-GOOD-40, Revised May 24, Naga City. For sample form, please visit;

All Regional Directors and DILG Field Officers are directed to cause the immediate dessimination of this Memorandum Circular and Monitor compliance of the punong barangays.

For strict compliance of all concerned.



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Posted by on September 24, 2011 in DILG


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Bukas na Liham sa mga Kabarangay

Orkestradong Pagnanakaw sa Barangay Fortune, Marikina City:

Sukdulan na ang garapalang maniobra ng mga bulok na trapo sa barangay. Kung ating susuriin, ang tunay na adyenda ng mga nagpakana ng “nakawan” ay hindi pagnanakaw, kundi likhain ang paborableng kondisyon para mapuwersa si Kapitana Riza Teope na tanggalin sa posisyon ang mga kwerpo (core) ng kanyang mga lider at mipuwesto ang mga galamay ng mga trapo.

Ang pakanang “pagnanakaw” ay isang pampulitikang maniobra para dungisan ang reputasyon at kung gayo’y mapatalsik sa barangay ang mga seryoso, tapat at naniniwala sa liderato ni Kapitana, tulad ni Beth Beltran, tresurera at Jun Mendoza, “property custodian officer”.

Ang pangkat ng mga hangal na nagplano ng pakanang pagnanakaw ay nagmula pa sa dating konseho ng barangay na bihasang gumamit ng “taktikang pusit” (squid tactic) – maghasik ng kasinungalingan at lituhin ang mamamayan para ikubli ang kanilang masamang pampulitikang adyenda.

Tatlong buwan na ang nakakaraan, ang pangkat ding ito ay unang nagtangkang patalsikin si Beth at Jun sa pamamagitan ng pagpapakalat ng isang walang batayan at malisyosong intriga sa mga lider-komunidad – na diumano’y mayroon relasyon ang dalawa. Ang direksiyon ng ganitong pakana ay maisalang at lutuin ang dalawang inosente sa “barangay ethics committe”, at arbitraryong mahusgahan ng imoralidad para sa madulas na pagpapatalsik – subalit walang pumatol sa pakanang ito. Nabigo ang pangkat.

Walang tigil ang mga trapo at bulok na pangkat na ito sa kanilang adyenda na makuha ang mahahalagang posisyon at maghari-harian sa barangay. Kaya muli nilang niluto ang orkestradong pagnanakaw tulad ng kanilang ginawang pagpapatalsik din sa kawawang tresurero ng dating konseho ng barangay.

Noong Setyembre 5, 2011, muling nakahanap ng tiyempo at inilunsad ang pakanang “nakawan” sa opisina ng “barangay treasurer”. Mabilis na ikinalat ng pangkat na ito sa komunidad ang buhol-buhol na kasinungalingan. Sa kanilang dis-impormasyon sa komunidad, pinuntirya nila si Jun Mendoza bilang siyang nagnakaw sa halagang P70,000.00. Sa ibang komunidad naman ay P250,000 ang ninakaw at sa iba nama’y P3.5 milyon. Sa pinakahuli, walang isip na ikinalat ng pangkat na ito na 5 milyon na ang nawawala. Batay sa police blotter, mahigit limang libo lang pala ang ninakaw, kabilang ang mga blangkong boklet ng resibo.

Habang isinasagawa ang imbistigasyon ng pulis, arbitraryong inilagay sa “indifinite floating status” sa pamamagitan ng “verbal order” ni Kapitana si Jun Mendoza at tinapyasan naman si Beth Beltran ng otoridad bilang tresorero ng barangay.

Sa sumada ng mga pangyayari, direktang biktima si Beth at Jun ng mapanirang atake – subalit  ang latay ay kay Kapitana Riza – pilit na lumilikha ang pangkat na ito ng isang senaryo at artipisyal na sitwasyon para pagmukhaing mahinang lider si Kapitana Riza at ang kanilang pangkat lamang ang makakatulong sa kanya.

Dapat biguin ang bulok na pangkat na ito sa panggigipit kay Kapitana at pambibiktima ng mga inosenteng empleyado ng barangay.

Makiisa tayo sa mga tapat na lider ni Kapitana tulad nina Beth, Jun at marami pa para sa paglalantad at pagtatakwil sa mga bulok at tiwaling elemento sa barangay at tumulong sa pagsisikap ni Kapitana para sa “good governance” at pulitika ng pagbabago.

Para sa Katotohanan at Tunay na Pagbabago,

The Grassroots / Setyembre 23, 2011


Posted by on September 23, 2011 in Bukas na Liham


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People’s Participation in Barangay Development Efforts

Artwork by: Federico Dominguez

The Local Government Code of 1991 has paved the way for broader People’s participation in the affairs of their Government and maximize several democratic provisions of this Code for the advancement of Genuine People Empowerment.

People’s ideas and proposals can be concretely expressed and asserted through built-in mechanism in implementing policies and programs that will truly reflect the people’s aspirations.

Foremost among the mandated mechanisms is the establishment of Development Councils in every Barangay, Municipal, City and provincial levels of Government throughout the country. The Code defines the number that will comprise the Development  Councils in each of these Local Government Units (LGU’s) of which at least 25% shall come from Non-Government Organizations and People’s Organizations (PO’s) of their constituencies.

The main task of these councils is to formulate development plans for their respective areas of concern, monitor and evaluate their implementation including other Government programs and projects affecting them. Therefore the 25% representation of the people (thru their organizations) in these Development Councils is the concrete expression of people’s participation which we can develop further.

To achieve these ideals however, there must be an active participation among NGO’s/PO’s, otherwise, the broadest possible participation of the people in the Government’s decision-making process becomes in-effective.

The Code already establishes the mechanisms for people’s participation in partnership with the LGU’s in pursuance of transparency ang good governance.

Some LGU’s on the other hand, including our very own Barangay Fortune in Marikina City are halfhearted on implementing the concept and principle and in the instances where they were adopted, most are tinged with narrow political interests. To begin with, there has been no massive campaign by the Barangay, to inform and educate the NGO’s/PO’s of their role in governance. This resulted to the low or no participation of these organizations in the development councils. And yet, the few that are presently involved were irregularly chosen, and their participation are mere pseudo representations of the people in those bodies thus, a bogus development council.


In order to effectively obtain the people’s genuine interests, there must be an organized forum of all NGO’s/PO’s within the Barangay which shall emanate their collective concerns. These valid concerns may then be brought before their development council through their legitimately chosen representatives, or to other government agencies for appropriate action. This forum will take in the form of People’s Council (PC) of all concerned NGO/PO’s in the Barangay, not only to give directions to their 25% representation in their development council, but also to serve as a realistic sounding board for the multisectoral interests of the community.

For all its intent and purposes, this People’s Councils must attain a high degree of credibility and independence to gain the respect and confidence, not only of its member organizations but by the council itself. It must show sincerity in pursuing pro-people programs.

The formation of the People’s Council, tactically called – “Barangay Fortune People’s Council” must therefore be an entirely non-government initiative. It may not achieve its desired goals if initiated by government officials or politicians as it may be suspected of having political or electoral agenda, and if so, many of its members may only be there to seek political patronage. To be truly effective, these People’s Councils must consist of NGO’s and PO’s bound together for the common purpose of pursuing the People’s democratic rights and welfare and achieving a fast, meaningful and genuine development of their communities.

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Posted by on September 22, 2011 in People's Participation

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